The response to unfriendly actions by Poland and the Baltic States
Question: Can Russia break off relations with Poland and the Baltic States in response to these countries’ clearly unfriendly actions?
Foreign Ministry: Poland and the Baltic countries are countries that have been pursuing a rampant Russophobic campaign for a long time now and that try to spearhead any anti-Russia design coming from the West. Bilateral relations with these countries have worsened in devastating proportions lately, and interaction with them has been frozen and practically reduced to zero across all areas.
But we are not looking to break off diplomatic relations with them. Even amid these exceedingly challenging circumstances, it is important to maintain dialogue channels and to address issues that our fellow citizens and compatriots may have. We cannot rule out the possibility that, in an anti-Russia frenzy, these countries will not decide to break off contact with us altogether. If this happens, the responsibility for this step and its ramifications will fall entirely on these countries’ leaders. We will firmly defend our national interests, and our detractors must be aware of the fact that their moves will have long-term consequences.
Russia’s role in the UN
Question: Last year, we saw a greater than usual number of proposals seeking to revise Russia’s role in the UN, in particular, to exclude it from being a Security Council permanent member, which is what Ukraine is insisting on with the support of its Western patrons. On the other hand, there is a growing credibility crisis regarding the UN’s ability to resolve international issues. Could 2023 become a year of dramatic change for the UN?
Foreign Ministry: Kiev’s awkward attempts to question the legitimacy of Russia’s membership in the UN and the UN Security Council cause nothing but bewilderment. However, we are ready to continue to provide lessons in international law for our Ukrainian neighbours and their Western curators, since unfounded attacks of this kind against our country continue unabated, despite the incontrovertible arguments that we regularly present.
We have made it clear on many occasions that Russia is a member of this global organisation and a permanent member of the UN Security Council as a successor to the Soviet Union. This status of our country is backed up by numerous official documents, among which the CIS Heads of State Council’s resolution of December 21, 1991 in which the CIS members supported Russia in taking over the Soviet Union’s UN membership, including permanent membership at the Security Council and other international organisations. President of Ukraine Leonid Kravchuk also put his signature under this resolution which largely brings any and all arguments provided by Kiev to naught.
A letter by President of the RSFSR Boris Yeltsin to UN Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar dated December 24, 1991 is notable in this regard. It states that Soviet membership in the UN, including the UN Security Council, and all other UN bodies and organisations “shall be continued by the Russian Federation with support from the CIS.” Back then, not a single CIS member state objected to the arrangement described in that document, as a result of which Russia automatically assumed all the rights and obligations of the Soviet Union in this world organisation.
There were no further attempts to formally challenge Russia’s status as the successor to the Soviet Union, which raises the question: what kind of legal changes have suddenly taken place 30 years later? This is, without a doubt, a rhetorical question given that nothing has changed since then, except the policy of the Ukrainian authorities who have chosen to engage in a crude rewriting of history to underpin the fantasies that exist only in their heads.
With regard to the value and overall effectiveness of the UN, I would like to start by saying that, under any circumstances, the UN must retain its centrality in international affairs. It remains the core element of the modern international legal system and the only truly universal platform for finding collective answers to global challenges. The principles enshrined in its Charter, primarily, the sovereign equality of states and non-interference in their internal affairs, have not only retained their relevance, but are also being affirmed as key pillars underlying international peace and security.
However, amid arguments about the alleged inconsistency of the UN with contemporary realities, it is important to keep in mind that the ability of the organisation to successfully fulfil its tasks directly depends on the member states’ willingness to seek compromises and to show political will, since the UN is not an “autonomous” organism. So, the remarks about the UN being “ineffective” that we hear now and then are simply untenable and any arrows of criticism should be aimed at those who undermine its authority and legitimacy with their destructive moves.
Unfortunately, the collective West has of late adopted a straight course on destroying the foundations of the UN-centric world, striving at all costs to preserve its monopoly on declaring the main vectors of human development. On the one hand, guided by the concept of a “rules-based order,” Washington and its like-minded allies are busy churning out non-inclusive decision-making mechanisms in circumvention of the UN.
Concurrently, attempts are being stepped up to turn the UN into a platform for exerting pressure on the countries that pursue independent foreign policies and are not willing to blindly follow Western diktat. Russia has been affected by this unscrupulous approach as well. Since the special military operation started, the United States and its allies have spared no effort to flood the UN with politically-driven anti-Russia initiatives and to exert tremendous pressure on the developing economies, literally forcing them to vote for documents of that kind.
As a result, this global organisation has become hostage to the West’s confrontational course. This state of affairs is by no means conducive to establishing an atmosphere of trust and solidarity at the UN, which is so much sought-after in today’s challenging times. So, a logical conclusion: our Western partners need to overhaul their approaches to international cooperation and then the full creative potential of the UN might be realised in 2023.
Prospects for talks on the Ukraine conflict
Question: All conflicts end with talks. Who in Ukraine can act as a dialogue partner now? Are there any eligible negotiators on the other side? Will any European leaders be part of the talks? Can we trust the Europeans since they deceived us and take pride in it? Who can act as a guarantor in these circumstances? Who can we trust?
Foreign Ministry: Russia’s position on negotiations with Ukraine is well known. Sergey Lavrov has described this in detail, most recently on January 18 during a news conference on Russian diplomacy’s performance in 2022.
As a reminder, in February-April 2022, we were in talks with Kiev which requested talks shortly after the special military operation started, but then put the dialogue on hold leaving our proposals of April 15, 2022 unanswered. On September 30, 2022, Vladimir Zelensky issued a directive on the “impracticability” of holding talks with the President of Russia, which came as a legal ban on resuming contact. We have repeatedly confirmed our openness to talks, which now, without a doubt, must take into account the new geographical and political realities.
The European leaders have lost almost all credibility after the self-revealing confessions by Angela Merkel and Francois Hollande on the true purpose of the 2015 Minsk agreements. We remember well the EU countries, primarily Germany and France as Normandy format participants, systematically ignoring the developments in Donbass and turning a blind eye to Kiev sabotaging its obligations under the Minsk Package of Measures for more than eight years. They pretended not to see the Ukrainian forces and nationalist groups perpetrating daily acts of genocide by shelling the civilian infrastructure in Donbass and killing civilians, including children. They also chose not to see that everything Russian in Ukraine was totally discriminated against even though, in bilateral contacts, they agreed with the unacceptability of infringing on the rights of certain categories of Ukrainian residents.
As a result, the people of Western Europe and Ukraine who naively believed what their politicians were saying about their commitment to peace were deceived. In fact, nothing like that was going on, and the goal was to buy time and let the neo-Nazi Kiev regime prepare for war.
Regarding the chances for reaching agreements with the West, unfortunately, the EU and the US have lost the culture of diplomacy and negotiation. They keep trying to impose things on others and to obtain unilateral benefits without regard for the interests of the opposite party. This is why they were unable to properly understand the proposals regarding security guarantees which we put forward in December 2021. At the expense of stability and security in Europe, they chose to throw enormous political, economic, military and human resources into an open confrontation with Russia.
We have never said no to an equal dialogue with our European partners, or to looking for ways to resolve security issues. We remain hopeful that sooner or later we will see political forces in Europe that are guided by their own national interests rather than a desire to curry favour with someone sitting on the other side of the ocean. Then we will have someone to sit down and talk with.
Development of Russia-China relations
Question: RT’s Chinese audience looks forward to seeing borders open to business and leisure travel. How soon will the issuance of tourist visas resume in the two countries? Are there plans to allow visa-free travel for tourists not in a group? Will there be more flights? Has the pandemic-related lack of full contacts taken a toll on Russian-Chinese ties?
Foreign Ministry: Russia is ready to receive Chinese tourists without any hindrances. Citizens of the People’s Republic of China can enter the Russian Federation upon presentation of a visa issued by consular offices in accordance with applicable Russian law. A simplified entry for certain categories of citizens was established by the 2013 Russian-Chinese intergovernmental agreement on facilitating travel regulations for individuals. Importantly, visa-free travel is provided for by the 2000 bilateral agreement with the PRC on visa-free group tourist travel, as well as agreements with Hong Kong and Macau in 2009 and 2012, respectively, on mutual cancellation of visa requirements.
We welcome the Chinese authorities’ decision to gradually lift pandemic-related restrictions, including the resumption of tourist travel for their citizens to international destinations, including Russia. In this respect, we are counting on the gradual recovery of the tourism volumes from Russia to China as well.
The greater number of flights between our countries and the opening of passenger traffic across the Russian-Chinese border will help promote bilateral contacts as well.
We firmly believe that our joint efforts will help gradually restore wide-scale bilateral people-to-people exchanges, which is an important factor if we want to further strengthen the comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction between Russia and China.
Reaction to Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro’s proposal to create a political bloc with Russia and China’s allies
Question: Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro recently came up with a proposal to create a political bloc of Russian and Chinese allies in Latin America. He is not the first leader from among the leaders of the countries of that region to advocate a change in foreign policy. An increasing number of Latin American presidents are talking about being unwilling to be the United States’ “backyard” and be guided in their policies by Washington-issued instructions. What’s your take on these statements? What practical steps should be taken to implement such initiatives?
Foreign Ministry: Of course, we took note of President Maduro saying that the time has come to unite the efforts and paths of the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean and to promote the creation of a strong bloc of political forces and economic influence. According to the Venezuelan leader, this bloc would become a regional centre of power that could build relations with other centres and poles, including Russia and China.
We believe President Maduro’s initiative is sending an important constructive message of unity based on free, equitable and fair cooperation in the interest of achieving development goals, regional peace and security. It fully reflects the centripetal trends that are once again gaining momentum among Latin American leaders.
The idea of revivifying regional unity is once again gaining traction now that the United States is using a set of neo-colonial tools of pressure and blackmail against Latin America countries within the framework of the revived Monroe Doctrine, which it is honing on a daily basis and which has absolutely destructive goals to not only subsume the countries of the region into its orbit, but also to limit their interaction with third countries like Russia or China. Russia-China relations are a vivid example of effective interaction between major global powers based on the principles of equality, mutual respect and consideration of each other’s interests.
Russia is open to developing cooperation with all members of the international community, including the Latin American countries. We have always stood for a united, politically independent and economically flourishing Latin America and have been supportive of the integration processes unfolding on the continent. The Russian vision of a polycentric world implies building it around the centre of power in the Latin American region which shares with us the principles of sovereign equality of states and the right to independent choice of development paths, and rejects interference in internal and external affairs that is widely practiced by the collective West.
For our part, we maintain a dialogue with all countries of the region in a constructive manner and show respect for their national interests. We will continue to build close interaction with the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) which sets the trends for regional unification, as well as other sub-regional integration associations and forums based on equality and shared interests. This approach is widely supported by the countries of the region which reciprocate through cooperation offers of their own.
The reaction to the idea of Russia’s break-up
Question: A leading Western publications, Politico reviews the key takeaways from a new book titled Failed State: A Guide to Russia’s Rupture. It was written by a leading specialist from the Jamestown Foundation which is a major anti-Russia, Washington-based foundation. Who is behind this intensified rhetoric of Russia’s dismemberment and failure as a state? Why is this rhetoric encouraged? Are you considering such a scenario?
Foreign Ministry: In an effort to revive the unipolar model under the banner of a rules-based order, our opponents will resort to anything, including pressure, provocation, blackmail, intimidating the people they find objectionable, and the use of force. An information war is also part of it, and the narrative about Russia’s territorial break-up as a viable option for a solution to the “Russian question” comes as an element of this war.
The material that you mentioned is hardly the only publication on this, so to say, topic. In fact, this is yet further clear proof of who we are actually dealing with and what plans our opponents have in store for our country.
It has long been clear to us that our opponents have a problem with Russia’s very existence as a basic and backbone element within the vast Eurasian space. However, history has taught us time and again that any attempt to undermine Russian statehood, to divide our society, or, even more so, to encroach on the territorial integrity of our country, only brings our people closer and encourages them to stay the course on the sovereignty of the key areas of life. On the other side, it confirms the West’s inability to make deals and its lying nature, which fact reinforces our resolve to continue to expand and to prioritise the southern and eastern vectors of our foreign policy.
A new integration process system proposed by India
Question: At a recently held Global South Summit chaired by India, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said that globalisation in its current form was not perfect, and the countries of the Global South were faced with the task of developing a new paradigm for the integration processes. Where do you see Russia within this system proposed by India?
Foreign Ministry: The Western countries, both in their colonial past and in the present, are pursuing their narrow self-serving interests. They never cared about the good of the peoples they oppressed. The egocentrism and exploitation of the global South continues today; the only difference is that whip-wielding overseers in pith helmets have been replaced by Western transnational corporations and a list of foundations and NGOs from the United States, the EU, the UK and Canada with their sophisticated methods of financial enslavement and economic coercion.
The neglect of the interests of the developing world and the divisive and arrogant policy of the West in virtually all areas have already kick-started the formation of a new international order and the creation of alternative cooperation formats. The key role in these processes is played by the civilisation states and civilizational communities, primarily from the Global South and the Global East. As a multi-ethnic and multi-faith country with a thousand-year history, Russia has a special role to play in addressing these challenges.
The ideas advanced by the Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar at the Voice of the Global South Summit resonate with Russian diplomacy’s goals. We are also fighting for a fairer and more balanced polycentric international order, respect for the cultural and civilizational diversity of the world and traditional spiritual and moral values.
We are consistent in our efforts to build mechanisms for interaction with our like-minded partners across a variety of fields such as political, economic, trade, monetary and the financial, cultural and humanitarian fields, as well as security.
The reaction to France’s push to resist the spread of Russian media content in Africa
Question: The French Foreign Ministry announced plans to create a digital media outlet for African audiences, noting that the purpose of this media was to counter the influence of other media on the continent, especially Russian media. President Macron went as far as calling for the adoption of an influence strategy and saying that it was important to “make better use of the France Medias Monde network” (France Medias Monde includes France 24 news channel and RFI radio). Thus, at a time where France is blocking the RT France television channel at home, Paris is striving to oppose the distribution of our content in Africa as well. What do you make of this?
Foreign Ministry: Indeed, information on plans to create an online media resource to spread the French point of view on the current events among African youth has been circulating on the French-speaking internet for some time now. The new project will allegedly be founded by the House of African Worlds and Diasporas (Maison des Mondes Africains et des Diasporas), but many analysts have no doubt that its editorial policy will be overseen by the French Foreign Ministry acting in the “finest traditions” of state-run propaganda.
There is no doubt that this online media will have “dual-purpose” content. It will not so much convey to the Africans the French perspective on global and regional issues, but discredit our country, which has historically friendly relations with many African countries.
This serves as further confirmation of the ephemeral nature of France’s loud and at the same time routine statements about freedom of speech. Indeed, in fact, we regularly see Paris being highly selective about its approaches to this matter, as it tries to prevent the dissemination of any information that is at odds with its official stance at home or internationally. The ban imposed by France on RT France broadcasts is a case in point.
Does Paris really believe that distributing its own videos through social media will improve France’s established colonial and neo-colonial image in Africa? As for attempts to counteract the influence of the Russian media on African audiences, they are clearly hopeless: if our point of view on certain issues is of interest to the people of that continent, no one will ever be in a position to block it from making its way to readers, viewers or listeners, and no strategy will ever be able to change this.
The reaction to the idea of Russia’s break-up
Question: A leading Western publications, Politico reviews the key takeaways from a new book titled Failed State: A Guide to Russia’s Rupture. It was written by a leading specialist from the Jamestown Foundation which is a major anti-Russia, Washington-based foundation. Who is behind this intensified rhetoric of Russia’s dismemberment and failure as a state? Why is this rhetoric encouraged? Are you considering such a scenario?
Foreign Ministry: In an effort to revive the unipolar model under the banner of a rules-based order, our opponents will resort to anything, including pressure, provocation, blackmail, intimidating the people they find objectionable, and the use of force. An information war is also part of it, and the narrative about Russia’s territorial break-up as a viable option for a solution to the “Russian question” comes as an element of this war.
The material that you mentioned is hardly the only publication on this, so to say, topic. In fact, this is yet further clear proof of who we are actually dealing with and what plans our opponents have in store for our country.
It has long been clear to us that our opponents have a problem with Russia’s very existence as a basic and backbone element within the vast Eurasian space. However, history has taught us time and again that any attempt to undermine Russian statehood, to divide our society, or, even more so, to encroach on the territorial integrity of our country, only brings our people closer and encourages them to stay the course on the sovereignty of the key areas of life. On the other side, it confirms the West’s inability to make deals and its lying nature, which fact reinforces our resolve to continue to expand and to prioritise the southern and eastern vectors of our foreign policy.
A new integration process system proposed by India
Question: At a recently held Global South Summit chaired by India, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said that globalisation in its current form was not perfect, and the countries of the Global South were faced with the task of developing a new paradigm for the integration processes. Where do you see Russia within this system proposed by India?
Foreign Ministry: The Western countries, both in their colonial past and in the present, are pursuing their narrow self-serving interests. They never cared about the good of the peoples they oppressed. The egocentrism and exploitation of the global South continues today; the only difference is that whip-wielding overseers in pith helmets have been replaced by Western transnational corporations and a list of foundations and NGOs from the United States, the EU, the UK and Canada with their sophisticated methods of financial enslavement and economic coercion.
The neglect of the interests of the developing world and the divisive and arrogant policy of the West in virtually all areas have already kick-started the formation of a new international order and the creation of alternative cooperation formats. The key role in these processes is played by the civilisation states and civilizational communities, primarily from the Global South and the Global East. As a multi-ethnic and multi-faith country with a thousand-year history, Russia has a special role to play in addressing these challenges.
The ideas advanced by the Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar at the Voice of the Global South Summit resonate with Russian diplomacy’s goals. We are also fighting for a fairer and more balanced polycentric international order, respect for the cultural and civilizational diversity of the world and traditional spiritual and moral values.
We are consistent in our efforts to build mechanisms for interaction with our like-minded partners across a variety of fields such as political, economic, trade, monetary and the financial, cultural and humanitarian fields, as well as security.
The reaction to France’s push to resist the spread of Russian media content in Africa
Question: The French Foreign Ministry announced plans to create a digital media outlet for African audiences, noting that the purpose of this media was to counter the influence of other media on the continent, especially Russian media. President Macron went as far as calling for the adoption of an influence strategy and saying that it was important to “make better use of the France Medias Monde network” (France Medias Monde includes France 24 news channel and RFI radio). Thus, at a time where France is blocking the RT France television channel at home, Paris is striving to oppose the distribution of our content in Africa as well. What do you make of this?
Foreign Ministry: Indeed, information on plans to create an online media resource to spread the French point of view on the current events among African youth has been circulating on the French-speaking internet for some time now. The new project will allegedly be founded by the House of African Worlds and Diasporas (Maison des Mondes Africains et des Diasporas), but many analysts have no doubt that its editorial policy will be overseen by the French Foreign Ministry acting in the “finest traditions” of state-run propaganda.
There is no doubt that this online media will have “dual-purpose” content. It will not so much convey to the Africans the French perspective on global and regional issues, but discredit our country, which has historically friendly relations with many African countries.
This serves as further confirmation of the ephemeral nature of France’s loud and at the same time routine statements about freedom of speech. Indeed, in fact, we regularly see Paris being highly selective about its approaches to this matter, as it tries to prevent the dissemination of any information that is at odds with its official stance at home or internationally. The ban imposed by France on RT France broadcasts is a case in point.
Does Paris really believe that distributing its own videos through social media will improve France’s established colonial and neo-colonial image in Africa? As for attempts to counteract the influence of the Russian media on African audiences, they are clearly hopeless: if our point of view on certain issues is of interest to the people of that continent, no one will ever be in a position to block it from making its way to readers, viewers or listeners, and no strategy will ever be able to change this.
Cooperation between Russia and Brazil
Question: Brazil is Russia’s strategic partner. After February 24, 2022, Brazil refused to join the economic sanctions. According to Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, “a main result of 2022 for Russia was the clarification of who we can work with and who we cannot trust.” Is Brazil a country Russia can work with? Do you expect to continue cooperating under the new government of Luiz Lula da Silva?
Foreign Ministry: Not only can Russia continue to work with Brazil, but we want to. We are sure that this desire is mutual. This is evidenced not only by the rich history of diplomatic relations, which, by the way, marks 195 years on October 3 of this year. The experience of our interaction in a difficult 2022 is also evidence of a mutual disposition to comprehensively strengthen our ties. So, I would even change the modality here – we must continue working together in the name of strengthening the time-tested bonds of friendship, mutual respect and constructive cooperation that bind our peoples.
It is noteworthy that the leading Brazilian political forces consider developing mutually beneficial cooperation with Russia as meeting the national interests of their country.
Russian leadership has already had a number of contacts with the new Brazilian administration. On December 20, 2022, President Vladimir Putin talked by telephone with President of Brazil Luiz Lula da Silva. On December 31, 2022, on the sidelines of the inauguration ceremony, the new Brazilian leader met with Speaker of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of Russia Valentina Matviyenko, who led the Russian delegation at the event. During the conversations, the parties confirmed the mutual disposition to ensure the continuity of Russian-Brazilian relations and a comprehensive strengthening both in the bilateral format and on multilateral platforms, primarily within BRICS, the G20 and the UN, including the Security Council, of which Brazil is currently a non-permanent member.
Brazil is a responsible participant in global processes, pursuing an independent foreign policy and committed to finding collective responses to contemporary challenges to international peace and security. As for the illegal restrictive measures taken by the collective West, the country adheres to a clear and consistent position and does not support actions that have not been approved by the UN Security Council.
Brazil plays an important role in the processes of regional integration. We are convinced that the intensified efforts in this area, announced by the new Brazilian administration, in particular within the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), will help secure the region’s status as one of the centres of the emerging multipolar world order.
We are committed to productive cooperation with Brazil to strengthen our relations across the board both in the bilateral format and within regional and multilateral associations.
Action taken in response to the detention of Sputnik Lithuania Editor-in-Chief Marat Kasem in Latvia
Question: What actions is the Russian Foreign Ministry taking or planning to take in response to the detention of Sputnik Lithuania Chief Editor Marat Kasem in Latvia?
Foreign Ministry: Sputnik Lithuania Chief Editor Marat Kasem, detained by the Latvian Security Service in Riga on January 3 this year, remains in custody on trumped-up charges. More specifically, he is charged with “violating EU sanctions.” The Latvian court ignored Mr Kasem’s lawyer’s motion to release his client on bail.
The Russian Embassy in Riga remains in constant contact with the journalist. We are concerned by the fact that, due to his detention and the news of his grandmother’s death (he was visiting her in Latvia), Mr Kasem is having health problems. At the same time, the prison administration is failing to provide the necessary medication to Mr Kasem in a timely manner. According to his attorney, this inhuman approach can be interpreted as intentional infliction of physical suffering to the prisoner.
The Latvian officials’ unlawful actions and other cases of human rights violation, including the inadequacy of the imposed pre-trial restrictive measure in relation to the charges, create legal grounds for filing complaints with international judicial bodies. The Foreign Ministry of Russia is closely watching Mr Kasem’s case and other flagrant cases of repression against Russian journalists in the Baltics.
Russia will not behave like the Baltic states and use punitive justice to persecute dissent.
As a response, we will continue to take diplomatic and economic steps, which, as we see, have quite sensitive consequences for Riga.
Financial transactions between EAEU countries
Question: The share of US dollar and euro transactions between the EAEU countries is now 26 percent. It has gone down only 4 percent since 2015 when 30 percent of the transactions between the union’s countries were in US dollars and euros. Are there plans to adopt any security mechanisms to more quickly end the use of currencies that have proven unreliable?
Foreign Ministry: It is not possible to stop using the US dollar or euro in mutual settlements across the EAEU overnight. We have worked specifically to find a solution since the union was established, and some progress has obviously been made. We do not intend to remain complacent about this, and as Russian economic bloc agencies estimate, we can increase the share of national currencies to 85 percent in the near future.
This process should be substantially expedited by the Eurasian Intergovernmental Council’s resolution of August 26, 2022, on further steps to expand the use of national currencies by the Eurasian Economic Union member states when performing mutual trade transactions. The sealed priorities include ensuring cross-system operation of national payment card systems among the union member states, expanding the network of correspondent accounts among EAEU banks, exploring opportunities to exchange financial data without using SWIFT in trans-border transactions, and developing trade in EAEU currency pairs. We are taking measures to create favourable conditions for businesses to execute contracts in national currencies, including a reduction in the share of dollar transactions between the resident companies in the five countries.
Another step in this direction is using national currencies to pay customs duties, special, anti-dumping and compensation fees to the union’s budget and in the energy payments between the EAEU member states.
At the same time, it should be understood that it is still premature to fully forgo the US dollar and euro in EAEU transactions. Other countries in the union are free to use these currencies as they choose and when there is no alternative. Also, we see that under the current conditions, our partners fully realise the risks of depending on the dollar and euro and hence are interested in promoting national currency transactions.
Efforts to neutralise the impact of Western NGOs on public attitudes in some neighbouring countries
Question: Anti-Russian sentiments are on the rise in a number of neighbouring countries. What specific steps are the Russian Foreign Ministry or its subordinate agency, Rossotrudnichestvo (Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States Affairs, Compatriots Living Abroad, and International Humanitarian Cooperation), taking to neutralise the influence of Western NGOs on public sentiment in these countries?
Foreign Ministry: Many countries in the post-Soviet territory are Russia’s strategic partners and allies linked to us by close cooperation in practically all areas, a shared past and the bonds of centuries-old friendship between our peoples. We are consistently pursuing a policy of preserving and multiplying these positive achievements and trends.
At the same time, we see absolutely brazen attempts by the West to take advantage of the situation around Ukraine to artificially provoke anti-Russian sentiments in the CIS countries and drive a wedge into our neighbourly and mutually beneficial relations. In an increasingly boorish manner typical of the Westerners, they are no longer just forcing Russia’s friends and allies to decide whether they are “with us or against us”, but also want to destroy the multifaceted ties that unite us. This is nothing less than blatant and brazen interference in the internal affairs of the Commonwealth States, an attempt to manipulate public consciousness and to impose alien values and pseudo-democratic standards.
We are convinced that all these attempts are doomed to failure. The vast majority of citizens in our neighbouring countries are capable of telling truth from lies on their own. We counter the Westerners’ impudence by further strengthening political and diplomatic contacts, trade, economic and humanitarian cooperation. In doing this, we are using the whole arsenal of interaction in education, culture, the media, interpersonal communication, etc. Such work is facilitated by the activities of Rossotrudnichestvo representative offices, including preservation and development of the Russian language as an effective means of interethnic communication, holding interregional forums, establishing joint educational institutions, implementing media projects, exchanging creative teams, and so on.
As for the Central Asian states, we are talking about strategic partners and allies with whom Russia is linked not only by close cooperation in almost all spheres, but also by the bonds of historical friendship between our peoples. During the first Russia-Central Asia summit held in Astana on October 14, 2022, at the initiative of President Vladimir Putin, all the participants unanimously confirmed the mature, market-neutral nature of our bilateral relations and the relevance of the six-party format. Regular contacts in the CA5+Russia format between the heads of foreign ministries make a significant contribution to its development.
Russia remains one of the main trade and economic partners and leading investors in the economies of the Central Asian states. The total amount of accumulated Russian investments in the region has exceeded $47 billion, and our trade with Central Asian countries in the first half of 2022, despite all the destructive efforts of the West, has increased by 16.2 percent over the same period last year and reached about $20 billion.
Twenty-six branches of Russian universities successfully operate in the region, as well as the Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University in Bishkek and the Russian-Tajik (Slavic) University in Dushanbe; the opening of the Russian-Turkmen University in Ashgabat and the Russian-Kazakh University in Astana are being considered. Russian-language secondary schools built by Russia are operating in five cities in Tajikistan, support is being given to a Russian-Turkmen secondary school named after Alexander Pushkin in Ashgabat, and the construction of nine joint schools in Kyrgyzstan is being contemplated.
Given these conditions, there is hardly any reason to speak of a real rise in anti-Russian sentiment in Central Asian public opinion, no matter how much the pro-Western NGOs and activists sponsored by the US and EU in some of the countries of the region would like this to happen. As for cases of so-called everyday nationalism directed at Russian-speaking citizens, they are a matter of concern to us and the response of local authorities to them is adequate.
Weighing the chances for resuming Korean settlement talks
Question: Do you think suspending the 2018 inter-Korean military agreement is feasible and what are the consequences? Is there a real possibility of deploying US nuclear weapons in South Korea in the event of further escalation on the Korean Peninsula? How do you see the chances of resuming peace talks on a Korean settlement in the G6 format at this point, and is Russia willing to take part in them?
Foreign Ministry: We have recently been witnessing with regret and concern the process of dismantling progress achieved in 2018 on the Korean settlement track.
We have noted on many occasions the United States and its regional allies’ unwillingness to conduct a dialogue with the DPRK on providing it with security guarantees, or to respond to unilateral concessions by Pyongyang, or to take steps to build confidence and to normalise relations with North Korea, which runs counter to the Singapore joint statement by the leaders of the DPRK and the United States of June 12, 2018 and a number of inter-Korean documents, was and remains the reason for the events taking a negative turn. To make matters worse, Washington interpreted the goodwill shown by our North Korean partners back then as a sign of weakness and decided to walk into the same trap twice and to ratchet up the sanctions and military pressure on Pyongyang and, predictably, received forced military-technical responses. Unfortunately, this woefully senseless US policy is now supported not only by Tokyo, which is leaning towards destabilising the situation on the Korean Peninsula, but by Seoul as well.
Should this confrontational course continue, further escalation is quite likely, and you mentioned earlier the potential signs. The return of US nuclear weapons to the southern Korean Peninsula, which is openly discussed in the Republic of Korea, would have particularly unpleasant consequences, and this move would inevitably have to be taken into account by Russia and, I think, China, in their defence planning.
Hopefully, the situation will not deteriorate to this dangerous point and all the stakeholders will come to an understanding that there is no alternative to a political and diplomatic approach in resolving the complex problems plaguing the Korean Peninsula, by reaching compromise-based agreements on creating a system relying on peace and collective security, as well as a balance of power in northeast Asia. This is the only path to resuming the multilateral negotiating process that you mentioned. We are ready to do our part and remain open to constructive contacts with all stakeholders based on joint initiatives with China, including a road map and action plan for a comprehensive settlement of Korean Peninsula issues.
The prospects for JCPOA
Question: After the British spy Alireza Akbari was executed in Iran, London may change its position regarding the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), The Telegraph writes. In addition, London recalled its ambassador from Tehran. What do you think about the future of the JCPOA?
Foreign Ministry: Since the time the JCPOA was signed in 2015, these, without exaggeration, historical agreements have invariably remained in the focus of global politics. Ensuing developments have shown that it was the only viable path to resolving the situation with the Iranian nuclear programme and to preventing a sweeping crisis fraught with tangible ramifications. Even the Americans, who created a lot of difficulties for the implementation of the JCPOA, eventually had to recognise that their decision to withdraw from the nuclear deal was a serious foreign policy misstep.
The fact that the JCPOA was backed up by UN Security Council Resolution 2231, which enshrined the obligations of the parties and made them part of international law, was of key importance. This is what makes it possible to qualify the US unilateral withdrawal from the nuclear deal and the steps taken by Washington, contrary to its obligations, a violation under Article 25 of the UN Charter.
As you may be aware, the Biden administration has repeatedly promised to bring America back to the nuclear deal. Unfortunately, this has not happened so far. As a result of many months of talks within the so-called Vienna format with all the countries that participated in drafting the JCPOA, a package of decisions was drawn up which make it possible, in a relatively short time, to resume the full implementation of the 2015 comprehensive agreements taking into account the initially agreed to variables without additions or omissions. These decisions are based on the approach that we are promoting, which itself is based on a synchronised movement towards each other by the United States and Iran along the path of reinstating their obligations under the nuclear deal. The European countries will need to do a sizable amount of work in order to reinstate the thoroughly adjusted balance of interests underlying the JCPOA and to make good on their deviations.
In other words, from a technical point of view, everything has long been ready for the process of reinstating the JCPOA to begin. Having realised this, our US and European colleagues suddenly began to hold it back trying to shift the responsibility for stalling the negotiating process on Tehran. In Russia, we call this “shifting the blame on someone else.” President Biden’s public confessions on the alleged demise of the nuclear deal was leaked to the internet. They used the most ludicrous speculation on Iran violating UN Security Council Resolution 2231 by imaginary supplies of UAVs to Russia. At the same time, statements were made in the West that the JCPOA was not a priority at the moment and all efforts should focus on supporting the protest activities in Iran. All of these are dirty ploys designed to divert international attention away from the process of restoring the nuclear deal and to reduce global pressure on Washington and its satellites on this sensitive issue.
At the same time, complying with the obligations assumed under UN Security Council Resolution 2231 is not a matter of preference or choice, but an imperative and a guideline for action which is laid out in the UN Charter. The United States and the EU must bring their policies and legislation in strict accordance with the Security Council’s requirements. By the way, Iran has repeatedly confirmed, including at the highest level, its willingness to resume compliance with its voluntary obligations under the JCPOA, which it suspended in response to Washington’s illegal actions. On January 9, spokesman for the Iranian Foreign Ministry Nasser Kanaani said Tehran was willing to conclude an agreement on resuming the JCPOA based on the project that is on the negotiating table. Without a doubt, we welcome this, all the more so as Russia has made a significant contribution to drafting the related decisions and our specialists play a significant role in implementing them.
It remains to be hoped that our Western colleagues will realise the measure of their responsibility, stop playing games and, finally, muster the strength to come to a final agreement on resuming the JCPOA, which they invested so much effort into drafting. We hope that the UK will come to realise this as well. Voices in favour of revising the UK’s position on the JCPOA have recently grown stronger in that country. London will not gain anything from the nuclear deal going under. Strict compliance with the JCPOA and UN Security Council Resolution 2231 is the road to peace and stability. For our part, we will continue to do our best to ensure that the events take this course.
Significance of relations with CIS partners
Question: In many respects, year 2022 was a turning point for the world and international processes. The concept of the Greater Eurasian Partnership took on even greater relevance for Russia. In view of this, how significant are relations with the CIS partners becoming, particularly the development and strengthening of this cooperation with the partners and especially Azerbaijan?
Foreign Ministry: The Greater Eurasian Partnership initiative proposed back in 2015 is not an opportunistic project for Russia tied to a specific time period. It is an invitation to develop multi-directional and multi-level trans-border cooperation in bilateral and international formats.
As concerns the latter, as we have always said, an important aspect is merging the potential of inter-state associations, including organisations like the SCO, the EAEU and ASEAN that are positively charged and focused on practical cooperation.
We welcome Azerbaijan’s active involvement in Eurasian integration. In 2021-2022, a series of expert events on the Eurasian agenda was successfully held in Baku – in particular, on strengthening the links between Azerbaijan and the EAEU. The 25th Eurasian Economic Forum, held in Azerbaijan in October 2022, became a marquee event.
We are confident that further steps in this direction fully serve the interests of this republic located in the centre of the Eurasian continent.
Advancing Russia’s interests through soft power
Question: Since the 2000s, Russia has been saying and doing many things to promote its interests through soft power. However, it has not been able to defeat Russophobia even in neighbouring countries. Ukraine is a telling example. Do you believe that Moscow has lost to the West when it comes to this matter? Is there a chance for Russia to restore its influence with neighbours in a civilised manner? And if so, what will it take?
Foreign Ministry: We are witnessing an unprecedented level of Russophobia in certain foreign countries, verging on open discrimination based on nationality. This conduct is regrettable and raises doubts about the level of culture and morality that our partners attribute to themselves. Those who support this sort of behaviour cause harm to their own people first and foremost.
The source of the Russophobia is the small group of countries that make up the so-called collective West but Russia has many true friends. Russian culture is rich, original, focused on creativity and extremely spiritual. It is a deeply meaningful contribution to world heritage.
Russia is open to cooperation with those who treat our country, its customs and language with respect and understanding, who value our achievements in culture. We attach great importance to strengthening international humanitarian cooperation. The priorities of this work are set forth in the Concept of Russian Humanitarian Policy Abroad and the Fundamentals of the State Policy on Preserving and Strengthening Traditional Russian Spiritual and Moral Values, approved by the President of the Russian Federation.
There are successful international cultural projects involving Russia, as well as festivals and contests. We develop ties with museums, theatres and filmmakers in other countries and organise tours of our performers. Other countries hold Russian Days and we hold days devoted to the cultures of other countries here in Russia, including spiritual events. As you know, in 2022, Russia – and foreign countries as well – celebrated 350 years since the birth of Peter the Great, along with other anniversaries in Russian history. In 2023, we are planning anniversary events marking 150 years since the birth of Sergei Rachmaninoff, 100 years since the birth of Rasul Gamzatov, and other commemorative dates.
The Russophobic campaign and attempts to form a “united front” against Russian culture have been ignored by truly sympathetic and independently thinking people. The international events held in Russia in 2022 clearly demonstrated the futility of attempts to culturally isolate our country. Various events in Russia have been and will be attended by foreigners not only from friendly countries but also from the countries whose officials continue to whip up this anti-Russia frenzy. Unlike our ill-wishers, we do not discriminate and value talented people regardless of their ethnicity or nationality.
Sooner or later, our opponents will realise that their confrontational course has no prospects, especially because it is cooperation in culture, sports, education, science and youth contacts that help improve understanding and dialogue.
Russia’s role in the South Caucasus
Question: Can you outline Russia’s strategic plans in the South Caucasus? How do you evaluate the work completed in the past year and what are Moscow’s objectives in this region for the next five years? In this context, we would also like to clarify whether Russia is involved in improving relations between Armenia and Türkiye, a process that has intensified recently?
Foreign Ministry: Russia and the republics of the South Caucasus are bound by common history, spiritual and cultural affinity, and strong ties of friendship between our peoples. Russia, a country that directly borders South Caucasus, is interested in this region’s stability and prosperity, in the mutually beneficial use and exploration of its transport, logistics, trade, investment and technological capacities. These are the objectives pursued by Russian diplomacy.
We work extensively to overcome the potential for conflict that has built up in the region. In this context, one of our priorities is normalising Armenia-Azerbaijan relations. The statements issued by the leaders of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia of November 9, 2020, January 11 and November 26, 2021, and October 31, 2022, provide a foundation for these efforts. We are confident that diligent compliance with these trilateral agreements will make this process a success.
On a broader scale, we remain committed to the existing and emerging multilateral negotiation formats. We are ready to continue constructive cooperation under the Geneva International Discussions on Security and Stability in South Caucasus that ensure a direct and equal dialogue between Georgia, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. We intend to promote the work of the 3+3 Regional Consultation Platform (Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia plus Russia, Iran and Türkiye). We consider this platform, focused on the practical issues of strengthening cooperation in the interests of regional players, a useful and timely project. As concerns normalising the relations between Ankara and Yerevan, it was under Russia’s aegis that this process was launched in January 2022, when Special Representative of Armenia Ruben Rubinyan and Special Representative of Türkiye Serdar Kilic met in Moscow for the first time. We continue to maintain close contacts with both parties. We welcome the latest progress that is opening up prospects for restoring Armenia-Türkiye links and helping further improve the situation in the region.
Russia-Kazakhstan cooperation
Question: How closely does the Foreign Ministry watch developments in Kazakhstan? Could it become another Ukraine in the future?
Foreign Ministry: First of all, it should be noted that Russia and Kazakhstan are close neighbours bound by a long history of friendship and trust. It is not a coincidence that our countries’ relationship has reached the current level of strategic partnership and alliance. Therefore, it is completely natural that Russian and Kazakhstani officials cooperate closely to address common topical problems.
We can see distinctly that the Kazakhstani officials at different levels understand that playing the ethnicity card in domestic politics is dangerous because things can easily get out of hand.
We would like to stress once again that, despite all intrigues plotted by the enemies who are opposed to the further development of the Russia-Kazakhstan alliance, we and our partners continue to work on strengthening our multi-dimensional bilateral cooperation. One factor in our favour is that, in our relations with friendly Kazakhstan, unlike the “civilised Western world” as they self-identify, we do not interfere with this republic’s domestic affairs, acting according to the UN Charter and the generally recognised principles and norms of international law.
Development of Russia-China relations
Question: In February and September 2022, President Vladimir Putin and President Xi Jinping met in person. Not long ago, they held talks via a videoconference call. What’s your take on the role of diplomacy at the level of the heads of state in Russia-China relations? What are your expectations regarding bilateral ties this year? What can our two countries do to promote a fairer international order?
Foreign Ministry: Leadership diplomacy is a key component in strengthening Russia-China relations of comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation. Trust-based contacts between President Vladimir Putin and President Xi Jinping play a leading role in ensuring the progressive deepening of the entire range of multifaceted ties between our countries. In one interview – incidentally, with a Chinese media outlet – Vladimir Putin noted that Xi Jinping and he go back a long way and, as good friends and politicians who share views on ways to address numerous international issues, both leaders communicate closely and frequently. Over the past ten years, the heads of state have met 40 times including bilateral visits, meetings on the sidelines of multilateral forums, and other contacts. The leaders exchange views on the status of and prospects for Russian-Chinese relations, discuss in detail areas of practical cooperation, and compare notes on regional and international priority issues. Each meeting has “high added value,” prioritises issues at hand, and sets the rhythm for an extensive mechanism of contacts between Russia and China at all levels and in all areas.
In 2022, which was a point of inflection for the entire international relations system, the leaders of Russia and China maintained close coordination of their efforts. President Putin was the first foreign head of state to confirm his attendance at the 24th Winter Olympic Games in Beijing and visited the Chinese capital on February 4, 2022, where he held extensive talks with President Xi Jinping as part of his visit to attend the opening ceremony for the Olympic Games. This was the first in-person meeting between the leaders of our countries in over two and a half years since the coronavirus pandemic broke out. The talks ended with signing a package of 15 bilateral documents. A weighty Joint Statement was adopted which notes that “friendship between the two states has no borders,” and “no area of cooperation is off limits.” The critically important thesis about the superiority of Russian-Chinese relations over the military-political alliances of the Cold War era has been reiterated. The sides emphasised that the strengthening of bilateral strategic cooperation between Russia and China is not directed against third countries and is not affected by whatever changes may occur in the international environment. Having outlined their shared assessments of the reasons behind the mounting potential for conflict in the world, the heads of Russia and China spoke in favour of defending international order based on international law, including the UN Charter’s goals and principles, and expressed their commitment to promoting multipolarity and democratisation of international relations, as well as to jointly building a prosperous, stable and fair world.
The second in-person meeting took place in Samarkand in September on the sidelines of a meeting of the SCO Heads of State Council, where Vladimir Putin made clear that amid a rapidly changing world, the only thing that remains unchanged is the friendship between Russia and China.
As for the video conference talks on December 30, a good tradition was formed between the leaders of Russia and China at the close of the outgoing year, which is to take stock of bilateral relations over the period under review and to plan key areas of interaction for the short term. In particular, the heads of state were unanimous in pointing out that relations between Russia and China have overcome, with flying colours, the trials thrown their way by ill-wishers from the West, and that they are mature and stable, and continue to expand dynamically being the best ever in the history of bilateral relations and serve as a model of cooperation between major powers in the 21st century.
This year, Russia and China will partner up to further strengthen and advance bilateral ties. As is known, President Putin invited Chinese leader Xi Jinping to pay a state visit to the Russian Federation in the spring. We believe this visit will be the central event in bilateral relations in 2023.
We believe that streamlining anti-pandemic measures in China will help restore in-person contacts and exchanges at all levels.
Russia and China are deploying joint efforts to strengthen the multipolar international relations system.
In the context of a radical transformation of the geopolitical situation, and in order to maintain global peace and stability, to resolve regional conflicts, to overcome confrontation and advance a unifying agenda, our countries manage to effectively carry out foreign policy coordination. In conjunction with other like-minded nations, we steadily oppose US attempts to achieve global dominance by way of promoting their rules-based order concept.
To this end, we plan to undertake vigorous efforts jointly with our Chinese friends in order to uphold the authority of the UN and to strengthen the spirit of solidarity and cooperation within the G20, to deepen strategic partnership within BRICS, to comprehensively promote SCO activities, to strengthen the role of APEC, to step up cooperation at venues such as the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum and Meeting of ASEAN Defence Ministers and Dialogue Partners, and to support the central role of ASEAN as a key element of regional architecture in East Asia.
Russian-Chinese trade and economic cooperation
Question: In 2022, Russian-Chinese trade increased by 29.3 percent year-on-year to $190 billion despite the tense international situation and the ongoing coronavirus pandemic. That was a record high for the two countries. How would you comment on the steady growth in bilateral trade? What are your expectations for bilateral relations in 2023?
Foreign Ministry: Indeed, last year, Russian-Chinese trade grew by one-third to record levels, while bilateral cooperation continued to grow progressively in all areas. China reaffirmed the status of Russia’s main trading partner, which it has been for more than a decade, and under the current conditions, its role as a friendly state is gradually increasing. The two countries are implementing large projects that involve investment, industry, energy and agriculture, space research and other high-tech industries. The share of transactions in national currencies has more than doubled, being used in more than half of our trade transactions now. The two new cross-border bridges across the Amur River recently opened and are bound to further strengthen bilateral transport connectivity. Region-to-region and humanitarian contacts have been gradually restored.
We strongly believe that the potential for Russian-Chinese bilateral cooperation is still far from exhausted and that today’s international realities have opened up additional opportunities for our countries. We hope that China’s recent decisions on the phased lifting of coronavirus restrictions will help restore the prior dynamics of face-to-face contacts at all levels and give a new impetus to bilateral trade and economic cooperation. In 2023, we aim not only to achieve the goal of bringing bilateral trade to $200 billion ahead of schedule (this goal was planned for 2024), but also to reach new frontiers and significantly deepen Russian-Chinese practical cooperation. We will work hard to elevate Russian-Chinese relations to a new, even higher level in the interests of our states’ progess and for the benefit of our peoples.
Developing the Belt and Road Initiative
Question: This year will mark 10 years since the Chinese leader launched the crucial Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. What new opportunities can be created for Russia-China cooperation in this connection?
Foreign Ministry: In 2017 and in 2019, President Vladimir Putin attended the first and second high-level formats of the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing, which is proof of the close attention we are giving to the initiative President Xi Jinping advanced in 2013.
The development of regional integration has taken on special significance in today’s international turbulence. In particular, it is becoming more important to work closely to align the development of the EAEU and the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, which will help strengthen ties between the Asian-Pacific and Eurasian regions.
We have done a great deal so far on this alignment track. We have reached a stage where we will prepare joint integration projects in various sectors. We hope that their preparation and launch will be facilitated by the implementation of the EAEU-China roadmap for trade and economic cooperation, which is scheduled to be signed at the next meeting of the joint commission.
For us, working on this track is closely associated with the implementation of President Putin’s initiative on the Greater Eurasian Partnership based on the potential for synergy among the Eurasian states and multilateral platforms, such as the EAEU, the SCO and ASEAN. In this context, we place a high value on implementing the agreement on the concurrent and coordinated promotion of the Greater Eurasian Partnership and the Belt and Road Initiative, reached by the leaders of Russia and China on June 5, 2019. This will undoubtedly boost the development of regional integration processes in the interests of the Eurasian nations.
Mitigating the economic consequences of breaching relations with unfriendly countries
Question: Has the Russian Foreign Ministry managed to mitigate the economic consequences of the breakdown of relations with unfriendly countries over the military operation in Ukraine, especially for the Russian economy?
Foreign Ministry: The process of overcoming the consequences of the breakdown of relations is ongoing, just as is the war of sanctions being waged by unfriendly countries against Russia. Have we mitigated its consequences? Yes, certainly, as you can clearly see from the state of our economy.
It was expected to plunge by 10 to 20 percent last year, but as you know, the decline was much milder, only 2.5 percent. The economic assessments and forecasts for Russia have been revised upwards by international organisations such as the World Bank and the IMF, as well as by many analysts from the unfriendly countries.
The situation is the same for other key indicators: the inflation rate is below 12 percent and expected to further decrease, and the unemployment rate is at a historical low. Russia’s external debt as of January 1, 2023, was $381.8 billion, down $100 billion or by 20.8 percent from 2022. At the same time, Russia’s sovereign debt decreased by $2 billion over the past year, to $57.4 billion. We expect a record-high foreign trade surplus, not only due to growing prices of raw materials, but also because of Russia’s focus on trade with countries in Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America.
Of special note is the growing cooperation with our EAEU and CIS partners, both within the framework of these organisations and at the bilateral level. Apart from trade, our cooperation has grown significantly in energy, transport, digitalisation, finance and other areas.
Overall, Russia is gradually adjusting to the new realities. Despite some difficulties, we are dealing with the main foreign economic tasks one way or another. At the same time, we are outlining the strategic framework for cooperation with those of our partners who hold their reputation dear and are not willing to sacrifice their economies to political ambition.
The importance of Russia’s relations with the Middle Eastern countries
Question: How important is it to continue to promote Russia’s relations with Middle Eastern countries amid the poor relations with the West?
Foreign Ministry: Relations with the Middle Eastern states has traditionally been a foreign policy priority for Russia. It is an important area of foreign policy in and of itself and is certainly not a sideline to our European policy.
We have always considered the Middle Eastern countries to be natural Russian allies that play a significant role in international affairs and boast a rich cultural, economic and political potential and an internationally respected historical legacy. Promoting a trust-based dialogue and multipronged mutually beneficial cooperation with each of these countries, as well as with Middle Eastern country associations, fully meets the interests of our peoples. We consider further promotion of this interaction with our Arab partners a critically important component of our ongoing efforts to build a fair and equal system of international relations based on the principles of preserving national identity and civilisational diversity.
We are grateful to our friends in the Middle East for their balanced position on the sensitive items on the global agenda, including Ukraine. Despite growing external pressure, we look forward to our partners holding a balanced and consistent policy with regard to that matter.
We are pleased with our highly developed and multifaceted relations with the Middle Eastern countries, which are grounded in close and trust-based communication between our countries’ leaders. In October 2022, President Vladimir Putin held extensive talks with President of the United Arab Emirates Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan in St Petersburg. In October 2022, the President met with Emir of Qatar Tamim Al Thani and President of Palestine Mahmoud Abbas in Kazakhstan.
Our foreign ministers maintain a deep political dialogue. In May 2022, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Oman and Algeria, and in June 2022 Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, where he took part in the 5th Russia-GCC Joint Ministerial Meeting for Strategic Dialogue. In November 2022, the Minister paid a visit to Jordan and the UAE.
Meetings with our Arab partners at various levels have been scheduled for the first months of 2023, and we will publicly announce them soon.
Key areas of Russian diplomacy activity for 2023
Question: What are the main areas of work that Minister Sergey Lavrov sees for Russian diplomacy in 2023?
Foreign Ministry: Russian diplomacy will continue to adhere to the basic principles underlying our country’s foreign policy, which are independence, a multi-directional approach, respect for international law, reliance on national interests, and openness to mutually beneficial cooperation. We will continue to fight for the truth and justice in international affairs, and against the rudiments of neo-colonialism and hegemonic ambitions of the United States and its satellites, and the notorious “order” based on some “rules” that someone invented, which they aggressively promote.
Any attempt to harm Russia or its allies will be resolutely rebuffed. We will continue certain practical work with unfriendly states based on the extent of their consideration for our legitimate concerns, primarily in the security sphere.
At the same time, Russian diplomacy will focus its best efforts on using the potential of cooperation with the majority of the world, that is, the states and associations in the CIS space, Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America.
We are striving to establish new mechanisms for interaction in various fields with countries that have not joined the anti-Russia campaign unleashed by the West. We will expand cooperation with our partners in the SCO and BRICS, and with other states that show independence in international affairs. We will continue to use the potential of the EAEU to strengthen stability in Eurasia; Russia is presiding over that organisation in 2023. The second Russia-Africa Summit, scheduled for this year, is intended to help elevate the partnership with our African friends to a new level.
Other unconditional priorities for Russian diplomacy will include protecting Russian citizens’ legal rights abroad, strengthening our ties with our compatriots, consolidating the Russian language and Russian culture’s role around the world, helping to preserve the truth about Russia’s role in world history, and stepping up efforts against manifestations of Russophobia and neo-Nazism.
Realising that the world has entered a period of revolutionary transformation, we are fully prepared for various scenarios of further international developments. We are looking to the future with confidence and have no doubt that Russia will ensure its security and the security of its allies in any international situation, and that our foreign policy will continue to fulfill its central mission – to create favourable external conditions for our country’s progressive development.
Russia-Finland relations
Question: Relations between Russia and Finland seriously deteriorated last year. What is Moscow planning to do to start improving them?
Foreign Ministry: This is an inaccurate question. Russia has consistently advocated and led a policy of developing neighbourly and mutually beneficial cooperation with Finland, which was traditionally based on solid trade and economic ties. Ties between our countries, which took decades to develop and helped improve living standards for the people, have been destroyed overnight by the Finnish authorities, which unequivocally opted for a policy of confrontation towards Russia in the spirit of the anti-Russia Western propaganda and military hysteria. This was not our choice.
The question about what can be done to improve Russia-Finland relations should be addressed to the Finnish authorities. But first you should ask if Helsinki is interested in this. Under the current circumstances, we doubt that Finland is capable of steering an independent policy towards Russia without yielding to the dictate of other powers.
Russia-Japan agreement of July 2, 1986
Question: The Russian Foreign Ministry has announced the suspension of visa-free travel to the four northern islands. Can we assume that humanitarian visits by Japanese citizens to their family graves there, which they made before 1991, will resume this year?
Foreign Ministry: We have reaffirmed several times that the Russia-Japan agreement of July 2, 1986, on mutual visa-free visits to family graves in the territory of our two countries remains effective. However, Japan has not issued any official requests for the resumption of such visits, which were suspended during the pandemic.
Reaction to Japanese statements
Question: Vice-President of the Liberal Democratic Party Taro Aso has said that one reason for increasing Japan’s defence budget was its fear over the lack of Russian guarantees on non-aggression against Hokkaido. Can you guarantee that Russia does not plan to occupy the island?
Foreign Ministry: We are closely monitoring Japan’s plans for rapid military build-up in close coordination with the United States, including the unprecedented growth of its defence budget, which is being used, in part, to organise large-scale military exercises in close proximity to the Russian border.
We have informed Japan many times, through diplomatic channels, that such actions are fraught with potential security risks for Russia and for regional stability as a whole. We have openly warned them that we retain the right to take appropriate response measures in accordance with the approved defence doctrine of the Russian Federation, of course.
As for responding to speculations aired by some Japanese politicians, we do not consider this expedient.
Regarding the revision of Japan’s National Security Strategy
Question: In December 2022, the Japanese Government revised the National Security Strategy to allow for the delivery of counterstrikes at the territory of hostile countries. The necessity of this step was explained by continuing missile launches from North Korea. Does Russia think this revision has created a threat to it?
Foreign Ministry: We regard the upgraded National Security Strategy, which was released in December 2022, as yet further proof of Japan’s accelerated movement towards militarisation, which has been increased, in part, for the purpose of serving US interests in the Asian-Pacific Region, and incudes the acquisition of its own strike capability.
The traditional references to the “North Korean threat” are made to camouflage aggressive military strategic aspirations and the US-Japanese alliance’s plans in the region, which are spearheaded above all against Russia and China. This policy of the Fumio Kishida administration can create new security challenges in the region and dramatically increase tensions in the Asia Pacific Region.
In this connection, we would like to remind our Japanese partners of the importance of remembering the lessons of history. Tokyo knows very well what a policy of militarism can lead to.